CHAPTER ONE

History And Political Theoriesmr. Becker's Classroom Management
History And Political Theoriesmr. Becker's Classroom Resources
Political Theories List
Examples Of Political Theories
Types Of Political Theories

History on Trial
Culture Wars and the Teaching of the Past
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History of Behaviorist Approach By the early 20th century, the science of psychology has had important turnouts, 20-30 years after Wundt established the first psychology laboratory. Of all these turnouts, the method of introspection is the leading one. Wundt and his followers thought that the subjects such as conscious and feelings. The S language has been in use for more than 15 years now, and this appears to be a good time to recollect some of the events and influences that marked its development. The present paper covers material on the design of S that has also been addressed by Becker and Chambers (1984b), but the emphasis here is on historical development and less on technical computing details. Also, many important. Political theories debate and examine the various meanings and opinions from different contexts in a systematic manner. The four ways in which the political theory can be useful to us, are: It helps in understanding how constitutions are shaped in a certain manner, how governments and social lives are arranged in a certain systematic manner. Becker is Contributing Editor for Ancient Roman and Etruscan art. His research is focused on Italo-Roman architecture and urbanism, but he is interested in urbanism across the Mediterranean basin, as a well as in building techniques, city planning, Roman villas, and archaeological theory. Becker was trained in Classics at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (M.A., Ph.D.) and has extensive experience as a classroom instructor and as an excavator, having worked for a.

By GARY B. NASH

History And Political Theoriesmr. Becker's Classroom Management

Alfred A. KnopfIn the Matter of History

It is true that history cannot satisfy our appetite when we are hungry, nor keep us warm when the cold wind blows. But it is true that if younger generations do not understand the hardships and triumphs of their elders, then we will be a people without a past. As such, we will be like water without a source, a tree without roots.

Chinatown History Project

In the predawn hours of October 20, 1994, Gary B. Nash, Charlotte Crabtree, and other Californians helping to develop the National History Standards were rattled out of their slumber. East Coast friends, having scanned their morning copies of the Wall Street Journal, were phoning, the three-hour time difference forgotten in their stunned reaction to Lynne Cheney's editorial page article attacking the standards. The banner headline pronounced 'The End of History.' The public had not yet read the standards because their release was scheduled for later that month. In one of the nation's most widely read newspapers, Cheney had delivered a preemptive strike against the new guidelines.

'Imagine an outline for the teaching of American history,' began the former chairman of the National Endowment for the Humanities, 'in which George Washington makes only a fleeting appearance and is never described as our first president. Or in which the founding of the Sierra Club and the National Organization for Women are considered noteworthy events, but the first gathering of the U.S. Congress is not.' If those comments were not enough to raise readers' ire, she had more to offer. 'The general drift of the document,' she warned, 'becomes apparent when one realizes that not a single one of the 31 national standards mentions the Constitution.' True, she reported, the Constitution was described as 'the culmination of the most creative era of constitutionalism in American history.' But this description appeared only in what she alleged was 'the dependent clause of a sentence that has as its main point . . . the paradox that the Constitution side-tracked the movement to abolish slavery that had taken rise in the revolutionary era.' As for the extensive treatment of the Constitution throughout the standards, Cheney allowed only an offhand admission that 'true, it [the Constitution] does come up in the 250 pages of supporting materials.'

Cheney also charged that the U.S. History Standards presented a 'grim and gloomy' portrayal of American history. Why so much attention, she asked, to topics such as the Ku Klux Klan and McCarthyism? Why did this curricular framework save its 'unqualified admiration' for 'people, places, and events that are politically correct?' By way of evidence, she cited one out of the nearly twelve hundred illustrative classroom activities, included to support the standards on what young Americans should learn. This particular example invited students to conduct a trial of John D. Rockefeller on his business practices. Students taking the roles of prosecutor, defense attorney, judge, and jury would investigate his piratical dealings--of the kind a PBS documentary on him had explored several years before.

History And Political Theoriesmr. Becker's Classroom Resources

Citing other teaching examples rather than the standards themselves, Cheney found six references to Harriet Tubman, an escaped slave who used the Underground Railroad to rescue scores of other slaves. In contrast, such white males as Ulysses S. Grant and Robert E. Lee were mentioned only one and zero times, respectively. The standards give no hint, she complained, 'of the spell-binding oratory of such congressional giants as Henry Clay and Daniel Webster.' And Alexander Graham Bell, Thomas Edison, Albert Einstein, Jonas Salk, and the Wright brothers, she claimed, 'make no appearance at all.'

'What went wrong?' Cheney asked. She found her answer in the disclosures of one member of the National Council for History Standards, the group that oversaw the three-year project to develop the guidelines. In the words of this informant, who asked not to be named, those 'pursuing their revisionist agenda no longer bothered to conceal their great hatred of traditional history' once Bill Clinton's election in 1992 had 'unleashed the forces of political correctness.' Thereafter, the informant told Cheney, 'nobody dared to cut the inclusive part' of the standards that 'various political groups such as African American organizations and Native American groups' had forced on the council.

Farfetched as this explanation was of the consensus-building process through which the standards had been written, it was no more astonishing than Cheney's assessment of the World History Standards. She had not reviewed these guidelines, so she relied on the assessment of another unnamed informant. In this case, she reported authoritatively, the Ameri-can Historical Association--the century-old historians' equivalent to the American Medical Association--grew 'particularly aggressive' after Clinton's victory and 'threatened to boycott the proceedings if Western civilization was given any emphasis' and 'from that point on, hijacked standards-setting.'

Cheney concluded her Journal attack with a call to arms. National certification of these standards, she warned, must at all cost be blocked or 'much that is significant in our past will begin to disappear from our schools.' She urged that the standards be stopped in their tracks because they were the rubbish produced by an 'academic establishment that revels in . . . politicized history.'

Four days after Cheney's blast, commentator Rush Limbaugh told his radio audience that the standards were part of the America-bashing multicultural agenda that he had cauti